The Rise of the Guardian Coup: The International Community and the Seizure of Executive Power

Nicked from Randy McDonald

In this paper, we use new data on coup d’etats and elections to uncover a striking change in what happens after the coup. Whereas the vast majority of successful coups before 1990 installed their leaders durably in power, between 1991 and 2001 the picture reverses, with the majority of coups leading to competitive elections in 5 years or less. We argue that with the end of the Cold War, outside pressure has produced a devel- opment we characterize as the “electoral norm” – a requirement that binds successful coup-entrepreneurs to hold reasonably prompt and competitive elections upon gaining power. Consistent with our explanation, we find that post-Cold War those countries that are most dependent on Western aid have been the first the embrace competitive elections after the coup. Our theory is also able to account for the pronounced decline in the non-constitutional seizure of executive power since the early 1990s. While the coup d’etat has been and still is the single most important factor leading to the down- fall of democratic government, our findings indicate that the new generation of coups have been considerably less nefarious for democracy than their historical predecessors

The Rise of the Guardian Coup: The International Community and the Seizure of Executive Power

Nicked from Randy McDonald

In this paper, we use new data on coup d’etats and elections to uncover a striking change in what happens after the coup. Whereas the vast majority of successful coups before 1990 installed their leaders durably in power, between 1991 and 2001 the picture reverses, with the majority of coups leading to competitive elections in 5 years or less. We argue that with the end of the Cold War, outside pressure has produced a devel- opment we characterize as the “electoral norm” – a requirement that binds successful coup-entrepreneurs to hold reasonably prompt and competitive elections upon gaining power. Consistent with our explanation, we find that post-Cold War those countries that are most dependent on Western aid have been the first the embrace competitive elections after the coup. Our theory is also able to account for the pronounced decline in the non-constitutional seizure of executive power since the early 1990s. While the coup d’etat has been and still is the single most important factor leading to the down- fall of democratic government, our findings indicate that the new generation of coups have been considerably less nefarious for democracy than their historical predecessors

The Rise of the Guardian Coup: The International Community and the Seizure of Executive Power

Nicked from Randy McDonald

In this paper, we use new data on coup d’etats and elections to uncover a striking change in what happens after the coup. Whereas the vast majority of successful coups before 1990 installed their leaders durably in power, between 1991 and 2001 the picture reverses, with the majority of coups leading to competitive elections in 5 years or less. We argue that with the end of the Cold War, outside pressure has produced a devel- opment we characterize as the “electoral norm” – a requirement that binds successful coup-entrepreneurs to hold reasonably prompt and competitive elections upon gaining power. Consistent with our explanation, we find that post-Cold War those countries that are most dependent on Western aid have been the first the embrace competitive elections after the coup. Our theory is also able to account for the pronounced decline in the non-constitutional seizure of executive power since the early 1990s. While the coup d’etat has been and still is the single most important factor leading to the down- fall of democratic government, our findings indicate that the new generation of coups have been considerably less nefarious for democracy than their historical predecessors

And a follow-up

[Poll #1681964]

And a follow-up

[Poll #1681964]

And a follow-up

[Poll #1681964]

But it was only one word!

Oda confesses role in document tampering.

The agency had recommended that Kairos should get $7 million, and the fact the document was "doctored" — a "not" was inserted to change its meaning — drew a strong rebuke from Speaker Peter Milliken. Oda's reversal came just before the House foreign affairs committee voted to find the matter a point of privilege. It is writing a report on Oda's earlier testimony, will discuss it Wednesday and then send to the House.

But it was only one word!

Oda confesses role in document tampering.

The agency had recommended that Kairos should get $7 million, and the fact the document was "doctored" — a "not" was inserted to change its meaning — drew a strong rebuke from Speaker Peter Milliken. Oda's reversal came just before the House foreign affairs committee voted to find the matter a point of privilege. It is writing a report on Oda's earlier testimony, will discuss it Wednesday and then send to the House.

But it was only one word!

Oda confesses role in document tampering.

The agency had recommended that Kairos should get $7 million, and the fact the document was "doctored" — a "not" was inserted to change its meaning — drew a strong rebuke from Speaker Peter Milliken. Oda's reversal came just before the House foreign affairs committee voted to find the matter a point of privilege. It is writing a report on Oda's earlier testimony, will discuss it Wednesday and then send to the House.